Pulpit

I esteem this a rare privilege

Walter P. Monson, President of the Eastern States Mission.

1918 April General Conference·Second Day Afternoon Session·1918-04-05

I esteem this a rare privilege to meet with you, my brethren and sisters, in this conference, to come up to Zion and cast with the Church the patriotic vote that has been already cast during the previous session of the conference. I wonder

how long the criticisms will obtain as touching the patriotism of the Latter-day Saints !

In the mission where I am honored to labor there are numerous criticisms being manufactured of whole cloth, in which we are looked upon as being alien enemies with an organization working inimical to the interests of this great and glorious government. I wonder how people can believe these things after what has been said in this conference ! From my earliest childhood I have been taught that this Nation has a definite and specific mission to perform among the nations of the earth, and to that end we are pressing forward, despite the fact that we sometimes become embittered toward each other on account of political opinions. I am still of the opinion that God is at the helm, and that this Nation is performing its mission nobly in sending the law of liberty from Zion unto the uttermost parts of the earth, and that its mission will not have been completed until democracy is made safe for the world.

We wonder what steps might be taken to put an end to this internecine war. We wonder how long it is going to continue ; and yet in our faith in God, we are called upon to press forward with sacrifice of life and of means in order to liberate from the hand of oppression those whom we have never seen. God's plan of government is that of the people, by the people and for the people. In the early ages of the world, or just immediately previous to Christ's coming, monarchies were established and with the iron hand of rule, not law, men and women were ground under the heel of op-

pression. When Jesus of Nazareth came, he came with the perfect law of liberty, but it was so high, so grand, so far beyond the conception of man that he who gave the law was crucified upon the cross of Calvary. Continuing on down the ages we have the same rule of monarchy, absolute monarchies in the world with but one church that held its subjects under a religio-political regime to the extent that the one who stood at the head of the nation in civil affairs declared that he himself was the head of the church. In the sixteenth century the Lord raised up men of courage who made one long stride toward the liberation of mankind, recognizing in a measure men's right to think and act for themselves. It was quite impossible for any one who had been brought up under a monarchial form of government to institute any government different to that with which he was most familiar. Therefore, in the early reformation the churches that grew up patterned after the civil form of government that then prevailed upon the earth, and there was the aristocracy in the church as there was the aristocracy in civil life. We come down to the time when the Constitution of this government was framed and written with the pen of inspiration, designed of God to be the fundamental law of that form of government that should reach out to every nation, every kindred, every tongue and people. I desire to read to you a statement given on December 16, 1833, in a revelation to Joseph, the prophet, whose praises we have already sung :

And again I say unto you, those who have been scattered by their enemies, it is my will that they should continue to importune for redress, and redemption, by the hands of those who are placed as rulers, and are in authority over you,

According to the laws and constitution of the people which I have suffered to be established, and should be maintained for the rights and protection of all flesh, according to just and holy principles.

Why, I ask, should this Constitution be enacted before the restoration of the gospel? Let the Lord answer :

That every man may act in doctrine and principle pertaining to futurity, according to the moral agency which I have given unto them, that every man may be accountable for his own sins in the day of judgment.

We read from this scripture that the Lord was responsible for bringing about this great and glorious instrument known as the Constitution of the United States. Strange as it might seem, God's purposes are worked out, not suddenly, but by generations. W e mortals expect him to deal in a radical manner by hours, or days, or months, or years. Such is not his way. Joseph Smith was not born under English rule upon this land. Sixteen years after George Washington had taken the oath of office there was born the prophet of the Lord in the Green Mountain State, Vermont ; and when he grew to manhood and was commissioned of the Almighty with the authority of the priesthood to organize his Church, he did not pattern after the strong and powerful nations across the water, but organized it after the pattern of that inspired form of government, the United States, through which has been given unto us as Latter-day Saints the greatest democracy that is known in any religious organization upon the face of the earth — that organization running parallel in

liberality with that of this great nation. For instance, as the rail splitter of Kentucky aspired to and occupied the chair in the White House, so the plow boy became prophet. There is no aristocracy in this Church except the aristocracy of righteousness. There is no aristocracy in this Government outside of the aristocracy of fit and splendid citizenship.

I wonder at what cost this war will end, or what expenditure will be made in order to bring about this liberty and freedom to all men. I have here a clipping taken from one of the New York papers, giving some very interesting data as touching the cost of the war. As we are about to be called upon individually to subscribe for Liberty Loan Bonds, let us forsake some of our own pleasures and contribute liberally to a cause so worthy, the cause for which we are willing to suffer, bleed and die to establish and maintain upon the earth :

Washington, March 7. — Should the war continue until August 1, as it gives every promise of doing, the cost to the nations involved will reach approximately the staggering total of $160,000,000,000. This is the estimate of Representative Frederick C. Hicks of New York, who has compiled a mass of interesting data on the war in response to inquiries from his constituents as to the resources and fighting strength of the nations at war and as to the number killed and wounded.

According to the figures of Mr. Hicks, 15,116,000 men have been killed, seriously wounded, captured, or were missing on all sides up to Aug. 1, 1917. Of these 8,827,000 were on the allied side and 6,289,000 on the side of the Central Powers.

The cost of the war to all nations was $98,500,000,000, on August 1, 1917. To convey an idea of the immensity of this outlay, Mr. Hicks figures that this amount would construct 257 Pan-

ama Canals; would build a railroad which would encircle the earth at the equator fifty-six times; would build such a vast number of standard steel ships, that, placed bow to stern, they would form an unbroken floating bridge from New York to Liverpool and from New York to Panama; would construct 2,042 stone highways of standard specifications across the United States; would purchase 220,000,000 Ford automobiles— probably before the price was raised: or if laid out in one dollar bills placed end to end would make a chain of notes that would circle the globe 464 times and would make forty-eight bands of money between the earth and the moon.

That stupendous sum, remarks the Representative from New York, represents an expenditure of $138,240 for every day that has passed since the beginning of the Christian era, and, if distributed equally among the hordes of humanity, would give sixty-six dollars to every man, woman and child upon the world today. It would build 6,533 National Capitols at Washington, and, if it were in one dollar bills, would require 621 years to count with the operation going forward at the rate of five bills a second.

Making still further comparisons, Mr. Hicks directs attention to the fact that the cost of the war to last August was three times the total deposits of all the banks in the United States, seven times the annual value of our agricultural products and fifteen times the value of our yearly foreign trade. For every month that the war continues, he says, an expenditure will be made greater than that made during the entire Russo-Japanese war, which lasted eighteen months. It means that the cost of the FrancoPrussian war is being spent every five weeks, and that the American civil war, which lasted four years, is being duplicated in cost every eighty-five days.

History records no other war or combination of wars which offers a parallel in the expenditure of money to the present conflict, asserts Mr. Hicks. In fact, the total direct cost of the six greatest wars which occurred in course of 125 years preceding the present world war was $21,-

000,000,000. One of these six wars lasted twenty-one years and another four years, yet this sum equals the cost of but eight months' fighting at the present rate of expenditures.

The direct cost to the United States for the year 1917, is estimated at $6,700,000,000, of which amount $3,000,000,000 are loans to the Entente Allies. The amount of money appropriated by the last Congress for expenditures and authorizations was about $18,000,000,000, which represents a daily gross cost of the war to the United States of $49,000,000.

Disobedience to the gospel of Jesus Christ is tremendously expensive, think you not?

What a wonderful saving there would be in the world if men would only heed the gospel of Jesus Christ which plants peace in the hearts of men !

I have here a pamphlet that is being distributed widely throughout the East, which is the verbatim copy of a discourse delivered by John D. Rockefeller, Jr., before the Baptist Ministers' Association, in one of the prominent hotels in New York City. He is picturing the church of the future. I am curious to know if Mr. Rockefeller hasn't overlooked our splendid organization which is a hiss and a byword on the streets of his own city, and the work it is performing. He says :

Let us picture for a moment what this re-born church would be.

It would be called the Church of the living God.

So we are called the Church of Jesus Christ, the Son of God, who liveth forevermore

Its terms of admission would be love for God, as he is revealed in Christ, and his living spirit, and the vital translation of this love into a Christ-like life.

Its atmosphere would be one of warmth, freedom and joy, so sympa-

thetically and distinctly manifest as to attract and win into its fellowship the followers of the religion of the Inarticulate.

Further on he says:

A life, not a creed, would be its test; what a man does, not what he professes; what he is, not what he has.

Its object would be to promote applied religion, not theoretical religion. This would involve its sympathetic interest in all of the great problems of human life; in social and moral problems, those of industry and business, the civic and educational problems; in all such as touch the life of man.

As its first concern, it would encourage Christian living seven days a week, fifty-two weeks in the year, rather than speculation about the hereafter.

I wonder, my brethren and sisters, if he has not read the first section of the Doctrine and Covenants where God declares, "I, the Lord, cannot look upon sin with the least degree of allowance."

Continuing, he says :

It would be the church of all the people, of everyone who is fighting sin and trying to establish righteousness; the church of the rich and the poor, the wise and the ignorant, the high and the low — a true democracy.

Its ministers would be trained not only in the seminary, but quite as much in life, with the supreme emphasis on life. For it would be an important part of the preparation of each that he should spend months, years possibly, working with his hands in the fields or the shop, doing business in the store or the office, so that he might not have merely a laboratory acquaintance with the problems of human life, but the practical knowledge which alone comes from actual experience and contact with them.

Yes, the ministry of this church would live in vital touch with humanity; it would understand and sympathize with human difficulties, and would exert its influence as much in living as in preaching.

I think it is a most excellent hope that John D. Rockefeller, Jr., has, and if he would turn his eye Westward he would see that splendid organization, that splendid ministry, where men and women are called from the various walks of life into the ministry, who know how to touch human sympathy just as Christ was made mortal that he might know the needs of mortal men and mortal women.

I bear you my testimony, my brethren and sisters, for it bears witness to every fiber of my soul, that God lives, that Jesus is the Christ, and that we are engaged in a great and mighty work which must be performed preparatory to the second coming of the Son of God, for whose coming we are anxiously waiting.

God bless you all, God bless all Israel, God bless our missionaries, God bless those boys who have gone abroad to fight in this great war. I want to say for the soldier boys, those who are upon the Atlantic sea board, that they are impressing the people of the East with the sincerity of their lives and they are performing a wonderful work. There were six hundred or more of Utah boys brought to the cantonments on Long Island ; but instead of being allowed to remain together, they were used as "chinking" for every regiment stationed at those various cantonments, and it has appeared to me that with the splendid example of these boys, they would preach the gospel while they are upon duty to a greater number than if they were confined to a single regiment.

If I might be spared the time, President Smith, I would like to read one testimonial or two of our

boys. This letter was written by a very prominent person in Cambridge, Massachusetts. The family are keeping a Y. M. C. A. division, that is, one of the Y. M. C. A.'s in which the Navy boys are being taken care of ; and they are prominent to the extent that when Secretaries McAdoo, Baker or Daniels go to Boston they are entertained by these estimable people. Two young men enlisted in the Navy, their homes being in Brigham City. I hope their mother is here, because this leter was written to her, but a printed copy of it came to me in New York. I shall read only extracts. The woman writing is the good wife whose husband has gone to France :

My husband and I loved the boys from the first, but as they have lived with us they have grown into our hearts until now we feel we shall have them in spirit for the rest of our lives. And we must owe so much of it to you two who have made such noble, beautiful sons, so full of courage, devotion, highmindedness. You must be proud and happy; we are. Lou was given the best ship on the list this week because of his fine work. * * * * * He has grown bigger and heavier and is a superb looking fellow — the dearest combination of a baby and a man that I ever saw. He is a man in all the essentials of a fine character and a dear innocent little boy in spirit. Yesterday my Reginald left for France for eight months' service for the Y. M. C. A. with our troops. He said before he went that the only good thing the Kaiser ever did was to give us our boys, and that he went away much happier for having them here. Fern will be with me for one week more. Certainly wherever he goes he will do the most splendid things. He is a young crusader, born to fight against sin and injustice wherever he finds them. He is the noblest young fellow I have ever known and we both love him with our whole hearts.

Now, in conclusion, note the language :

Dear friends, may I tell you that I get much comfort from the firm faith that both these children are sent out directly from God's hands and are very directly and preciously in his care. I know that they will be taken care of and guided at every step. I look ahead for them with the most confident heart, but I wish so much you could see them. I just cannot express my sympathy for you, nor my admiration and respect. In looking after the boys I keep before me all the time the thought that I am doing it for you as well as to satisfy my own heart. They have filled the place of the boys I have lost as I never could have believed possible, and my own love helps me to understand yours.

With my warmest greetings and sympathy, affectionately yours, Louise Daley.

P. S. — I want to write to you from time to time about our children if you will let me share them with you that way.

There is the blending, let me tell you, of patriotic service to country and fidelity to the gospel. Such are the living testimonies our soldier and sailor boys bear when they go into the country's service. God bless us with like testimony and like courage, I pray in the name of Jesus Christ. Amen.

An instrumental solo, a French ballad, was played on an English horn by Prof. Kellersberger with Tracy Y. Cannon, at the piano.

Cite this talkWalter P. Monson, "I esteem this a rare privilege," 1918 April General Conference, Second Day Afternoon Session (1918-04-05). Pulpit Vault, 1918-04-14-walter-p-monson-remarks. Authoritative print text from archive.org.Pulpit Vault, edition of 23 September 2026 (commit 4bdc6ac627).